Turkey Insight (II) – How did these fify-percents come to be?

We are living a new day, on which “well-intentioned” followers of #direngezipark feel worried for well-being of their existence – yet, more sincerely and above than that – feel the fear of a high-dose, massive inner conflict that will spread across the whole country and try to figure out what price is being charged to themselves. As for telling this situation and the future, it may be harder today than it was yesterday. (07.06.2013)


Are we refraining from advances? From our tomorrow? We do, probably because it is natural! In this setting wherein social and common violence exist, where some may even define this refrainment as cowardice, who fears what?

Government >  Upset applecart and loss of opportunities that would have been seized in this troubling setting created through a chain of coincidence – which was not unexpected -… (Because no matter how prepared you are, predicting the next day of social actions is really difficult ! Because fear, among all human emotions, is the most difficult one to manage, particularly when a society feels this individual emotion in a folded and multiplied form.)

“well-intentioned” followers of #direngeziparkı >  the uncertainty among people standing side by side, questioning whether everyone has the same goal with theirs… ( Since almost nobody among these genuine and sincere people has an idea why TTs that start with #diren…  have their foreign language equivalences as #occupy… , instead of #resist… or #free…)

Parties > realization of the social denial and elimination, about which I shared an assessment yesterday… ( Because, when turning from street towards center, it was seen that books in boxes of “break glass in case of emergency” kept for today, were empty!)

Organizations > isolation of this asserted sapid atmosphere through withdrawal of public support… (Since, it is known that pre-republic, in other words, eastern – and Ottoman – type codes of freedom that exist within principal codes would never allow a western-type riot!)

Disarmed conservatives > that this , perhaps the last, opportunity has slipped from grasp… (Since it has been understood that, sounds of “come and save us” will never be heard from this lot again !)

And to me, above anything else;

The People > Everything ! (Since the sole asset of this well meaning people – which, unfortunately they got only for short intervals, more or less – is an atmosphere of social reconciliation and peace!)

Surely, Turkey do not need a period of fear during the eve of its transmission to democracy phase. Turkey has the power and prudence to get it off its chest through reasoning, idea and civilized reckoning. The youth of today deserve that it should made possible, at least.

Fifty percent’s path from legitimate ground to chapulism…

In fact, Turkey was not divided in two by inordinate implementations and controversial manifests of its State. Turkey had been divided already. Moreover, this dividedness is not perceived as a threat in any modern society. Because it is not an irregularity for a society, although having common national objectives, to be divided in at least two (and even more, if possible) different points of view. However, as we all know, we experience this natural situation in a society that even so-called academician rectors “cannot fathom”.

So far in Turkey, a process in which one side that lives an antagonism (both artificial and unreal) within itself has created its objector, while determining its least common denominators. This circumstance that we are not yet ready for and define as irregularity in our own way, manifested itself especially in certain coalitions of post-80s.

Although this had been experienced many times before, especially in the February of 2001, when political wing of this antagonist union effort threw a Constitution booklet at term’s President’s face, it understood on legitimate ground that how tougher its work was than that of the opposing fifty percent.

It did understand, however, neither it made any intellectual argument in this respect, nor did embark on a search for solution. President of that period, on the other hand, was not aware (I think) of how his half-populist, half-reflexive demeanor had deferred the future of Turkey for some two decades. What did interest rate lobby (!) did? Apparently, it existed back then as well, and reacted in the same way it does today, of course.

Surely, tutelage was having one of its most transcendant times in that period, on top of it, this was when this structure that is striving to congregate had to seperately define itself in the position of unconditional follower of this tutelage in its own way , or it had to define itself as such at least. On the other hand, the opposing fifty percent was living a #direntayyip period through an imperatively historical opportunity, which was – although not violent – as oppressive as today’s #direngezi.

What happened next? The side that has the same code with that of the first Progressive Republican Party – starting from 2003 – went through its noviciate, journeymanship and mastery stages and ascended with all its glory through – as they put it – the public support they have gained.

Notwithstanding, the antagonist union at which the Constitution was thrown, diverged – despite using the same code – , disconnected from the public and delved into small-time ballot box and chair calculations. Falling under the spell of its small and narrow-spaced fortresses, which was definitely not originated from its own performance, but attained through natural processes, it started to interpret what happened as an ascension and return. Yet, what happened there, was a downfall, likes of which has never been seen in the living history.

The downfall that this union went through, has reached to its nadir soon after the Republic meetings and led to a point which is very difficult to reverse from. And at this point, this union’s dreams of rulership have been buried within depths of the same meeting grounds by the very large masses of people it had collected without even showing an address.

Please remember, in consequence of these large-scale  meetings, each of which were larger than tenfold of today’s Taksim, the people faced with one of the longest voting papers of its history and stepped into a brand-new continuum by shattering its will into pieces too small even for cats’ liking.  And then, the big painful period of solitude…

Fifty percent of this day, has sought its own address until ten years ago, not much. It has followed alliances, missed Erdal İnönü, attempted to proclaim a mayor as its leader and tried many other ways. However, in the outcome of these pursuits, they have found neither the party nor the leader they sought. While watching the development of its opposite counterpart with envy, it looked for a legitimate destination that would represent it on the same plane. Yet, it couldn’t find. Eventually, one of these two fifty percents started to live a period whose destination and future is determined, whereas the other fifty percent became chapullers.


How are the fifty percent , that is in the position of Turkey’s “other” today, going to find a destination for itself, who are going to show this destination to it? For the moment, nobody. In order to show this destination (should a dramatic change occurs in the main line development), an organizational structure, which is wanting in Turkey, must be developed. The other fifty percent shall turn to its own destination; provided that lobbying is established– which does not sound good by name – on the grounds that it is not perceived as a company or a similar organization, but a politically corporate structure.

As I stated yesterday, lobbying structure which will – barely mature – within a continuum of at least two elections, will make possible that these two fifty percents of Turkey govern the country by turns. However, this should not be perceived as an expectation and desire, but a ‘current situation’. This new system will rule out a considerable part of popular sovereignty (at least twenty percent) in the capability of representation in parliamentary system, as it is expected from the voter who is not yet ready for such a system and also cannot abandon old election traditions, which is a pity.

Under this new circumstance, representation of any sovereign element both within and outside of parliamentary system will be provided by lobbying establishment, given that its cost will be determined by its market.

From this point forward, it is necessary to note that people do not have to live with lobby elements of commercial purpose. It will be made possible that civil society organizations – which may be effective in political arena as actors of Turkish-type solutions to be provided for lobbying – communicate the maturity of legal political action organisms and the demands of sovereign element they represent.

And for that, it is obvious that the other fifty percent of today must form its own legitimate ground, before it is too late.

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